For Question 2:
A major questions doctrine analysis requires a deeper look at the statute at issue than does the analysis in Brown and Williamson, which is sometimes characterized as Chevron step 0.
I’m getting pretty confused about this.
Your notes on the blog say (about West VA v. EPA): “Note that when Roberts gets to the MQD analysis he does not do a detailed statutory analysis. Think about why this is not necessary under the MQD.”
Then, in the Word doc about MQD, it says:
The MQD goes beyond Brown and Williamson and asks the policy question – is this what Congress intended?
But then the next bullet point says: As we see in West Va. v. EPA, the court makes this call
without the need for the searching analysis it did in Brown and Williamson.
In the first bullet point- what do you mean by the court “going beyond” if you don’t mean that it does more analysis? I think I’m missing a big picture issue because I feel like a lot of the notes about this contradict each other.
You are probably not missing the point, you are confused because what the Court is doing is confusing. Is the MQD another analysis tool or is it just the court’s way of overruling laws the majority does not like? It will take more cases to know for sure.
The point for the slide and the question is that the Court’s divining the true Congressional policy is not based on looking harder at the statute. That would be Brown and Williamson, where through ordinary statutory construction the court determined Congress had passed other laws that would conflict with the FDA regulating tobacco under the unmodified FDCA.
In West Virginia v. EPA, the Court decided that Congress had not addressed climate change specifically and thus it was too important to let the agency make climate change regs. This did not take a deep statutory analysis. This is very clear in Gorsuch’s concurrence, which spends little time of the CAA at all. Going beyond the statute in this case means deciding if Congress wanted the CAA to cover GHGs as a policy matter. Since GHGs were not mentioned in the CAA, there was no real analysis to do.
This is why the MQD is so controversial. If it just looked like Brown and Williamson – the simple statutory construction that Justice Barrett calls it in a later case, it would not be a major change. But unless the court sees the statute direct the agency to do exactly what the agency wants to do, the court does not need to go into the statute or look for other statutes to see if there are other ways to justify the action. It just says Congress needs to clearly authorize the action or the agency cannot act.
So the MQD is perhaps a deeper look into the mind of Congress, but not into the statutes.
—————————
Would files include notes we typed on word? Or is the computer fully shutdown besides exam 4, files is confusing me .
You have access to everything you would normally have access to on your computer. You are not allowed to cooperate with other people.
——————–
Could you please explain this part of the FTCA/Bivens document?
“There is nothing in the statute that sets a limit for how long you can wait to file after the 6 months.”
It is on page 5, second paragraph (in The Admin Claims Process section).
I thought the six months was the time limit on filing. What am I missing?
This should have said, You have six months to file a claim in court after your claim is denied by the agency. If the agency ignores your claim, you may file in court six months after filing the claim with the agency. The statute does not set a limit on how long you have to file a claim if the agency does not respond to your claim.
The statute says:
(b)A tort claim against the United States shall be forever barred unless it is presented in writing to the appropriate Federal agency within two years after such claim accrues or unless action is begun within six months after the date of mailing, by certified or registered mail, of notice of final denial of the claim by the agency to which it was presented.
The six-month clock is triggered by the denial of the claim, not filing it with the agency. I think it was a drafting oversite not to set a limit for how long you can wait after the 6 months if your claim is ignored. It had not come up in the cases the last time I checked. The usual problem is people forgetting to file with the agency before going to court.
On question 39 of this quiz, it asks which is not required of as part of the FOIA request. In the powerpoint, it does not say that the class of requestor to which you belong is required in the “basic elements”, but I would assume that it is required. Is the answer to that question (A), the reason you are entitled to the information?
You are right that you need to provide the class of requestor, or at least risk being charged the top rate for the information. The justification for getting the information is one of the key differences between FOIA and discovery. You do not have to provide any reason – everyone is entitled to the information. Unfortunately, including the agents of enemy countries and terrorists. After 9/11, a lot of materials that might be used by terrorists were reclassified so they would not be available under FOIA.
Can you help me out with this question?
In the Standard Oil v. FTC case, the agency made an initial finding that Standard Oil had engaged in anti-competitive activities. Choose the truest statement.
-
- Standard Oil had standing because it was accused of illegal behavior.
- Standard Oil did not have standing because there was no final agency action until the agency choose to bring an enforcement proceeding.
- Standard Oil has standing because the finding could hurt it in private antitrust litigation.
- Answers A and C are correct.
Are you referring to the 1980 case FTC v. Standard Oil? I think the answer is B because the court ruled that the complaint was not a final action, and therefore it was not judicially reviewable. Does that equate to Standard Oil not having standing, or am I getting confused?
You are not confused! It is the 1980 Standard oil case and the court found that threats of outside private actions were not enough to base standing on, in the absence of a final agency action.
> In your video lecture “putting the pieces together after west va v epa” on the slide
> “when a court still use chevron?” You mentioned a hypo where congress amended the
> caa which would be a clear statement that the epa had the power to regulate ghg’s. I
> thought if the Chevron analysis in part 1 was clear that congress had spoken clearly on
> the issue, the Chevron analysis is over. Am I incorrect?
Great question. You are right, if Congress speaks clearly on the precise point the agency is making a rule on, then you stop with Chevron Step 1. Even before West Virginia v. EPA, many courts did not invoke Chevron if they found that the statute clearly allowed or clearly forbade the agency action. You would not need Chevron because that would be straight forward statutory analysis.
What I was thinking about in the lecture was that clearly saying that the EPA should regulate GHGs to control climate change would solve the MQD problem – Did Congress mean for the EPA to make rules with major consequences for climate change? But that broad grant of authority still leaves the agency to work out the details. In the Chevron case itself, Congress had clearly said that the agency should regulate air pollution but did not specifically whether it must do it stack by stack or by treating a chemical plant as a single source. The Court looked at whether the specific detailed regulation was reasonable (Step 2), after determining that it was within what Congress empowered the agency to do.
If Congress had amended the CAA to clearly empower the EPA to regulate GHGs, the court would still have to look at Obama’s Clean Power Plant Rule to determine if the specific requirements are reasonable. You could imagine a rule – close all coal plants in 30 days – that could still be found unreasonable even under a clear grant of power. The court could use Chevron, or it could go back to Skidmore and Hearst and never mention Chevron again. Only time will tell.
Hint – Impeachment is like an indictment, the Senate vote to remove is the trial. Impeachment is just the House side of the process. We do not talk about impeachment and removal because the Senate has never removed a president. Thus in popular conservation, the two actions are lumped under impeachment.